It is clear that David Cameron and some of his ministers genuinely believe in the Disraelian ideal of social cohesion at some important level. Part of the essence of any kind of one-nation politics, whether from the left or the right, must be an effort to reconcile old antagonisms. But these new measures to make it more difficult to join a union are only designed to provoke this antagonism still further. The trade unions have barely mattered in British politics for a generation.
The reality of the unions in is still that they are overwhelmingly weak, not strong, an industrial factor not an industrial problem. Yet the unions and their tormentors are in many respects as bad as each other. Tory strategists have not had an original idea about industrial relations since the era of Margaret Thatcher.
Pull the other one. This is simply about bashing unions and crippling Labour. But the unions are almost as culpable. As Talleyrand said of the restored Bourbons after the French revolution, the unions seem to have learned nothing and forgotten nothing.
Young utopians may be in the frontline of the movement that may carry Jeremy Corbyn to the Labour leadership, but old union machine politicians are there in force in the background, fighting the same zero-sum game as the Tories, acting as though Britain was still a nation based on factories, coal mines and engineering, and in which the world hung on the of votes at the TUC. "Murphys alla floppar och succeer" would repeal all the supposedly anti-union laws brought in since We would be back with abolition of tort liability, reintroduction of the closed shop, fewer ballots before strikes, a restored right of secondary picketing and an end to the controls over union funding of the Labour party.
This, too, is a project that has not been rethought in any way for a generation. They are two sides of the same worn old penny. It is long overdue to ask why Britain has failed so notably to reimagine its industrial democracy and its corporate governance ever since the de-industrialisation of the s and amid the rise of the service and financial sectors that replaced the old industries.
Why are we still refighting old battles? Why have we not moved on? Perhaps the failure is explained by the sheer Murphys alla floppar och succeer of antagonistic history. Both sides are simply set in their ways, approaching the problem only to do the Murphys alla floppar och succeer down. It also ended a tradition of liberal, often local, management, corporate responsibility, works councils and industrial cooperation that, from the Mond-Turner talks in the aftermath of the general strike of right up to the Bullock report on industrial democracy inwere always an important part of British industrial relations.
One may not regret the demise of the lawless union baronies of the s and the anachronistic Scargillite syndicalism of the s. But the loss of the co-operative tradition between the two sides of industry has been a kind of national tragedy that has affected Britain badly in the run-up to and emergence from the financial collapse
Murphys alla floppar och succeer In the s, cooperation and co-determination was a path not taken here, though it was fundamental to the economic prosperity of postwar Germany.
But it is a path that should be remade and retaken now. Few now remember the Bullock report, in which the majority proposed worker representation on the boards of companies employing more than 2, people.
Though the Bullock report was killed off, it remains a tantalising might-have-been for the way British companies are run and think. It Murphys alla floppar och succeer, more topically, still offers a starting-point for a long overdue re-examination of UK corporate thinking and structures, and the place of employees within them, in the post-crash era.
It is an indictment of New Labour that it never dared to reapply the idea of industrial democracy to the 21st-century economy. But it is also an indictment of Cameronian Conservatism that it is equally hesitant on the subject, in a way that earlier liberal Tories would not have been.
In the end, the unions have to bear a large share of the blame for Murphys alla floppar och succeer failure to recast British companies in a more cooperative mould.
They could and should have made the case for shared employer-employee responsibility in British corporate governance. This would have been, and still could be, a genuinely democratic response to the trauma of the crash. But the left is too hidebound and the right is too scared. Until that changes, the two sides are fated to go on fighting old battles that have little to do with modern companies and the modern economy, when they could, with a bit of imagination and daring, rediscover the one-nation path not taken in and neglected ever since.
Topics Trade unions Opinion. David Cameron Conservatives comment. Order by newest oldest recommendations. Show 25 25 50 All. Threads collapsed expanded unthreaded. Loading comments… Trouble loading? Labour leadership candidates, in which they will probably succeed. He would repeal all the supposedly anti-union laws brought in since ' Doubtless if Jeremy Corbyn were ever to become prime he would repeal all the.
justice" Murphy and more recently, Yvette "house flipper" Cooper. All things CC ❤ | See more ideas about Words, Friendship and Thinking about you. Lottie Murphy on Instagram: “So grateful for my, middle-of-the night. All the talent in the world won't take you anywhere without your teammates "86 Success Quotes That Will Inspire You To Succeed - Page 4 of 12 - BoomSumo.
"We're all heartbroken that it's over," he says. fictional congressman named Jack Tanner and played by Michael Murphy, who has improvised.